标题: 普拉多博物馆 (西班牙语：Museo Nacional del Prado) 成立200周年 [打印本页] 作者: ngsunyu 时间: 2019-5-23 00:03 标题: 普拉多博物馆 (西班牙语：Museo Nacional del Prado) 成立200周年 本帖最后由 ngsunyu 于 2019-5-23 01:00 编辑
普拉多博物馆（西班牙语：Museo Nacional del Prado），又譯作普拉多美術館，館舍位於西班牙馬德里，是該國最大的美術館，收藏有从14世纪到19世纪來自全欧洲的繪畫、雕塑和各類工藝品，是當地最受歡迎的景點之一。
普拉多博物館繼承了皇室珍藏，在19世紀末期就被譽為“世界四大美術館”之一。然而由於西班牙在20世紀的政治動蕩，其收藏增長緩慢，逐漸被不少博物館在總量上超越。但是普拉多擁有的傑作數量卻是後來者無法企及的，除了涵蓋歐洲所有流派和所有名家之外，還幾乎囊括了戈雅的全部精品。此外還有眾多西班牙本土畫家的代表作在這裡集中展示。(zh.m.wikipedia.org/普拉多博物馆)
普拉多博物馆的一層展品包括了17-19世纪的西班牙、義大利、弗兰德繪畫作品，其中包括大量的戈雅、委拉斯開茲作品。这層的主走廊的两面墙上挂着彼得·保罗·鲁本斯（荷蘭語：Sir Peter Paul Rubens) 的画作。箭头指向彼得·保罗·鲁本斯的《斐迪南主教在諾德林根戰役中》。作者: ngsunyu 时间: 2019-5-24 00:01 本帖最后由 ngsunyu 于 2019-5-24 00:03 编辑
彼得·保罗·鲁本斯（荷蘭語：Sir Peter Paul Rubens) 的《斐迪南主教在諾德林根戰役中》，約繪於1634－1635年。作者: ngsunyu 时间: 2019-5-25 00:18 本帖最后由 ngsunyu 于 2019-5-25 00:21 编辑
普拉多博物馆的一層展品包括了17-19世纪的西班牙、義大利、弗兰德繪畫作品，其中包括大量的戈雅、委拉斯開茲作品。这層的主走廊的尽头房间全是弗朗西斯科·何塞·德·戈雅-卢西恩特斯（西班牙語：Francisco José de Goya y Lucientes) 作品。箭头指向戈雅的《卡洛斯四世一家》。作者: ngsunyu 时间: 2019-5-25 00:19 本帖最后由 ngsunyu 于 2019-5-25 00:22 编辑
弗朗西斯科·何塞·德·戈雅-卢西恩特斯（西班牙語：Francisco José de Goya y Lucientes) 的《卡洛斯四世一家》，約繪於1800－1801年。作者: ngsunyu 时间: 2019-5-26 00:01 本帖最后由 ngsunyu 于 2019-5-26 00:03 编辑
普拉多博物馆的一層展品包括了17-19世纪的西班牙、義大利、弗兰德繪畫作品，其中包括大量的戈雅、委拉斯開茲作品。这層的主走廊的两面墙上挂着彼得·保罗·鲁本斯（荷蘭語：Sir Peter Paul Rubens) 的画作。箭头指向彼得·保罗·鲁本斯的《帕里斯的裁判》。作者: ngsunyu 时间: 2019-5-26 00:01 本帖最后由 ngsunyu 于 2019-5-26 00:05 编辑
彼得·保罗·鲁本斯（荷蘭語：Sir Peter Paul Rubens) 的《帕里斯的裁判》，約繪於1638年。作者: ngsunyu 时间: 2019-5-28 01:56 本帖最后由 ngsunyu 于 2019-6-28 08:57 编辑
普拉多博物馆的一層展品包括了17-19世纪的西班牙、義大利、弗兰德繪畫作品，其中包括大量的戈雅、委拉斯開茲作品。这層的主走廊的两面墙上挂着彼得·保罗·鲁本斯（荷蘭語：Sir Peter Paul Rubens) 的画作。彼得·保罗·鲁本斯的《三美神》在《帕里斯的裁判》旁边展出。我没有自制。作者: ngsunyu 时间: 2019-7-1 01:07 本帖最后由 ngsunyu 于 2019-7-1 01:14 编辑
普拉多博物馆的一層展品包括了17-19世纪的西班牙、義大利、弗兰德繪畫作品，其中包括大量的戈雅、委拉斯開茲作品。这層的主走廊的两面墙上挂着彼得·保罗·鲁本斯（荷蘭語：Sir Peter Paul Rubens) 的画作。彼得·保罗·鲁本斯的《帕里斯的裁判》在《三美神》旁边展出。我的第二枚自制品及时寄到西班牙。
普拉多博物馆的一層展品包括了17-19世纪的西班牙、義大利、弗兰德繪畫作品，其中包括大量的戈雅、委拉斯開茲作品。这層的主走廊的两面墙上挂着彼得·保罗·鲁本斯（荷蘭語：Sir Peter Paul Rubens) 的画作。彼得·保罗·鲁本斯的《狄安娜和卡利斯托》在《三美神》旁边展出。我的自制品及时寄到西班牙。
"Diana and Callisto", depicted the traumatic moment of discovery of the pregnancy, as the goddess and her nymphs bathed in a pool, following Ovid's account. The subject's attraction was undoubtedly mainly the opportunity it offered for a group of several females to be shown largely nude. As a follower of Artemis, Callisto took a vow to remain a virgin, as did all the nymphs of Artemis. After seduction by Zeus, her subsequent pregnancy was discovered several months later while she was bathing with Diana and her fellow nymphs. Diana became enraged when she saw that Callisto was pregnant and expelled her from the group. (en.m.wikipedia.org/Callisto). 作者: ngsunyu 时间: 2019-7-4 00:03 本帖最后由 ngsunyu 于 2019-7-4 00:06 编辑
普拉多博物馆的一層展品包括了17-19世纪的西班牙、義大利、弗兰德繪畫作品，其中包括大量的戈雅、委拉斯開茲作品。这層的主走廊的两面墙上挂着彼得·保罗·鲁本斯（荷蘭語：Sir Peter Paul Rubens) 的画作。箭头指向彼得·保罗·鲁本斯的《三博士朝圣》，約繪於1609年。我买了一枚 明信片，但未及时收到。作者: ngsunyu 时间: 2020-1-26 07:22 本帖最后由 ngsunyu 于 2020-1-26 07:35 编辑
委拉斯開茲，全名迭戈·羅德里格斯·德席爾瓦-委拉斯開茲（西班牙語：Diego Rodríguez de Silva y Velázquez，1599年6月6日－1660年8月6日），是文艺复兴后期、巴洛克时代、西班牙黄金时代的一位画家，对后来的画家影响很大，哥雅认为他是自己的“伟大教师之一”。对印象派的影响也很大。他通常只画所见到的事物，所画的人物，几乎能走出画面；他也画过一些宗教画，但其中的神像宛如人间，充满紧张和痛苦的表情。
委拉斯開茲不是位多產的畫家，估計其已知的油画只有110至120幅。美术史学家将他的作品分为三个时期，第一次访问意大利之前为第一时期，第二次访问意大利之后为第三时期，但委拉斯开兹的作品很少注明日期，只能从绘画风格上分。(zh.wikipedia.org/委拉斯開茲)作者: ngsunyu 时间: 2020-1-26 07:37 本帖最后由 ngsunyu 于 2020-1-27 03:52 编辑
这幅画是 1628~1629年委拉斯开兹《酒神巴庫斯》 The Feast of Bacchus 1628 - 1629. Oil on canvas Room 011
Documentation of payment received by Velázquez in July 1629 for an image of Bacchus painted at the king`s behest informs us of the work`s approximate date and identifies its intended recipient. This was shortly before the artist`s first visit to Italy, barely five years after he began working for the king and at a time when he had just met Rubens. During this period, he was specialized in portraiture, although he had recently completed a renowned history painting -The Expulsion of the Moors- and had considerable experience with religious and costumbrista scenes. This was his first attempt at depicting a mythological fable, and he did so with a palette, descriptive methods and human types that recall his earlier years in Seville, although here he combined them with significant formal innovations. These circumstances make The Drunkards a turning point, launching a new subject that would be present for the rest of the artist`s career. At the same time, this work draws heavily on Velázquez`s previous works. The presence of Bacchus allowed the painter to depict one of his first male nudes, and that figure dominates the composition thanks to the luminosity of his body and clothing. A nude satyr to the left raises a fine crystal goblet, drawing us into the world of fabulous stories and creatures while, on the right, a beggar and four men with dark-brown capes, weathered faces and lively expressions constitute an everyday, realistic and believable counterpoint. A young figure kneels before them to be crowned by the god.
As often occurs in Velázquez`s narrative works, this composition is steeped in an ambiguity that has led to considerable speculation about its deeper meaning. Attention has traditionally been drawn to the realistic rendering of the characters on the right, which has been read as a demystification of the classical fable, and even a mockery of Antiquity. More recently, however, an increasing number of scholars have emphasized the degree to which the nature of the Bacchic myth itself favors the combination of fabulous elements with everyday references. In that sense, the painting has been interpreted as an allegory of wine, which is not only able to cheer humans and induce non-rational states, but also to stimulate poetic creation, as was observed by numerous Spanish writers from Velázquez`s time. Perhaps that is why the crown that Bacchus places on the young man`s head is not of grape leaves, like his own, but of the ivy traditionally associated with poets. In any case, with The Drunkards, Velázquez demonstrated the degree to which the possibilities of a naturalist language surpass the limits of religious or costumbrista subject matter, making it adequate for representing mythological scenes. At the same time, this work is the first indication of the artist`s fondness for mixing classical fables and everyday contents, eschewing the idealized approach that had previously been customary in that genre. ( Fábulas de Velázquez. Mitología e Historia Sagrada en el Siglo de Oro / edición a cargo de Javier Portús Pérez, Madrid, Museo Nacional del Prado, 2007, p.313)
《酒神巴庫斯》 The Triumph of Bacchus is a painting by Diego Velázquez, now in the Museo del Prado, in Madrid. It is popularly known as Los borrachos or The Drinkers (politely, also The Drunks).
Velázquez painted The Triumph of Bacchus after arriving in Madrid from Seville and just before his voyage to Italy. The work was painted for Philip IV, who paid Velázquez 100 ducats for it.[1] The painting shows Bacchus surrounded by drunks. In Madrid, Velázquez was able to study the king's collection of Italian paintings and was no doubt struck by the nudity in many paintings as well as the treatment of mythological subjects.
The Triumph of Bacchus has been described as the masterpiece of Velázquez's 1620s paintings. (en.wikipedia.org/The Triumph of Bacchus) 作者: ngsunyu 时间: 2020-1-26 07:49 本帖最后由 ngsunyu 于 2020-1-26 07:51 编辑
Vulcan's Forge. 1630. Oil on canvas
A figure suddenly appears on the left in a forge where various blacksmiths are working, dressed in an orange robe and wearing a laurel wreath, with rays of light emerging from his head. This is Apollo, who addresses himself to Vulcan, the blacksmith nearest to him, whose stance reveals his lameness. Everyone has stopped working, astonished by the news Apollois recounting: the adultery of Vulcan`s wife, the goodness Venus, with Mars, god of war, whose armour is being made at the forge. This episode, taken from Ovid`s Metamorphoses, provides the basis for one of Velázquez`s most ambitious and unique works, marking a before and after in his career from both a technical and a compositional and spatial viewpoint.
The first known reference to the painting dates from 1634 when it was sold by the artist to Phillip IV for the Buen Retiro palace. In 1724 Palomino stated that it was painted during the artist`s first trip to Rome, at the same time as Joseph`s Bloody Coat brought to Jacob (monastery of El Escorial). The two works are of similar (although not identical) size and are also comparable in theme: they are large history paintings in which the artist directly confronted issues of pictorial narration rather than moral or devotional questions. In both works the central episode in the narrative is the transmission of a surprising piece of news and the range of reactions on the part of those hearing it. The representation of emotions notably interested the most important artists working in Italy around 1630, such as Guido Reni, Pietro da Cortona and Nicolas Poussin. In this sense, Velázquez`s two paintings can be seen as an immediate response to the local context and one of a bold and direct nature. The artist made no attempt to encumber his figures with concealing garments, rather choosing an episode that obliged him to demonstrate his perfect mastery of the system of human proportions and his ability to transform the entire body (not just the face and hands) into a bearer of emotions. The resulting painting is a remarkable demonstration of his abilities.
The ultimate significance of Vulcan`s Forge has been the subject of considerable debate. Some authors have drawn attention to the fact that Homer used this episode with a didactic intent, giving Apollo the role of the eternal watchman of truth. According to this interpretation, the scene can be read in allegorical, Christian terms, with the god representing Christ as the legitimate owner of Truth. Other writers have considered the painting to be an allegory of art: the luminous figure of Apollo suddenly appears in the forge in order to illuminate the world of darkness with the light of the principal art forms. Following this idea, several authors have observed the similarities between this painting and Joseph`s Bloody Coat brought to Jacob with regard to the circumstances of their execution, their compositional ambition and the number of figures. As a result, they have proposed a global reading for the two paintings based on the idea of the power of the word to influence human emotions and behaviour, implying a discourse on the superiority of the world of ideas over that of mechanical labour. Aside from these significances, however, within Velázquez`s mythological output this canvas stands out for its narrative clarity, in the sense that what is happening is what we see, while the action is set out in perfectly recognizable terms. As a result, it can be seen as a work in which the artist deployed one of his more classical structures.
Within Velázquez`s development, Vulcan`s Forge marks his definitive conquest of space, the nude and expression, aspects that are intimately related in this work. Prior to his trip to Rome, the artist had experienced some problems in representing realistic spatial settings, which he always resolved through the juxtaposition of figures and objects. A good example is Los Borrachos (P01170), in which the drinkers are crowded together in the foreground. In Joseph`s Bloody Coat brought to Jacob Velázquez took a step forward in this sense, making use of a checkerboard floor, while in Vulcan`s Forge he completed the process, constructing his most complex and realistic spatial setting to date.
He achieved this by tacking the figure of Apollo and the blacksmiths as his starting point, rather than a pre-existing setting in which to locate the figures. It is these figures with their volume, turning movements and bodily gestures that create space. Here Velázquez made use of the nude, which has a capacity to generate space around it far greater than that of a clothed figure. This is immediately evident from a comparison between the crispness and quality of the space created by the blacksmiths and that generated by Apollo, who is partly clothed. In this sense, Vulcan`s Forge has one of the most coherent and successful descriptions of space to be found in any work by the artist, in which he had no need to make use of effects of aerial perspective of the type that would yield such outstanding results from The Surrender of Breda (P01172) and the equestrian portraits.
Vulcan`s Forge clearly reveals some of the consequences of Velázquez`s Italian trip, including his study of classical sculpture, and the skill in the depiction of emotions that he acquired by copying Michelangelo in the Sistine Chapel. Together, these elements give rise to one of his most successful compositions with regard to the unified, natural interaction of the figures. Technically, Vulcan`s Forge also represents a milestone in Velázquez`s career as it is his first large-scale work in which he used the lead white priming that would become a distinctive trait of his technique from this date onwards, resulting in exceptionally luminous compositions (Text from Portús, J.: Velázquez,Kunsthistorisches Museum, Wien, 2014, pp. 301-302).
小心1938年的委拉斯开兹极限明信片大多是倒戳，因为他们的明信片是1938年以后版。请参观 追寻 极限明信片中 荷兰名胜古迹 与 艺术杰作 的足迹 (in the footsteps of .....) 第 30楼。
《布雷达之降》（西班牙文：La rendición de Breda），又译《布拉达之降》，是西班牙画家委拉斯開茲 的一幅1635年油画画作，1625年荷兰军队在布雷达（布拉达）向西班牙斯皮諾拉將軍投降。它描述布拉達城總督，把城門鑰匙交給勝利的將軍唐·安柏吉奧·斯皮諾拉侯爵的情景。在這樣一幅宏偉巨作裡，構圖佔了非常重要的地位。委拉斯開茲 把畫面分為兩部分：一邊為勝利者，一邊為戰敗者。挺立的長矛構成全畫的支撐點，長矛的垂直韻律，在畫的右邊更為鮮明突出。儘管這幅畫構圖十分複雜，委拉斯開茲 仍力求表現人物的個性。在熱內亞指揮官斯皮諾拉侯爵身後，我們還可以辨認出拿索．錫根和費里亞侯爵。這幅畫的構圖，擺脫了歷史畫的傳統布局，畫家在強調每個人物的心理聯繫和內心世界的同時，通過光線、空間與色彩的協調，讓全畫在整體的感覺達到統一。(caneis.com.tw)
唐·安柏吉奧·斯皮諾拉，第一代巴卑斯侯爵（Don Ambrogio Spinola Doria, 1st Marquis of the Balbases，1569年－1630年9月25日），出生在熱那亞，金羊毛騎士團、聖地牙哥騎士團成員，具有偉大的將軍（西班牙語：El Gran Capitán）之稱號。他以熱那亞貴族的身分，擔任西班牙的知名將軍，並為西班牙王室贏得許多重要戰役。講西班牙語的人，通常稱他為「安布羅西奧」。他被認為是那時代最偉大的將領之一，同時也是西班牙軍事史上最偉大的將領之一。
The Surrender of Breda. Ca. 1635. Oil on canvas Room 009A
On June 5, 1625 the Dutch governor of Breda, Justinus van Nassau, surrendered the keys of that city to Ambrosio Spínola, the Genoese general commanding the Spanish tercios (a group of soldiers that included pikemen, swordsmen and musketeers) of Flanders. Breda`s extraordinary strategic importance made it one of the most disputed cities in the Spanish monarchy`s prolonged war against the United Provinces of the North. Its conquest after a lengthy siege was considered a military accomplishment of the first order, generating a plethora of texts and images intended to exalt the winners. It is therefore not surprising that the decision to decorate the Buen Retiro Palace`s Hall of Realms with a series of paintings narrating the military triumphs of Philip IV`s reign called for a depiction of what was probably the most resounding victory of all. Nor is it any surprise that Velázquez, who was then the court`s most prestigious painter, was commissioned to paint it. As with his equestrian portrait of Philip IV (P01178), the artist proudly declares his authorship and his stylistic singularity on a sheet of bank paper appearing in the composition`s lower right corner. The painting`s dimensions, the importance of the event it depicts and the significance of the hall where it was to hang all encouraged the painter to put his best efforts into this work, offering proof of his extraordinary faculties. Additional pressure came from the competitive context, as the Hall of Realms included works by the court`s most outstanding artists. Velázquez met the challenge with a masterpiece that reveals not only his extraordinary descriptive gifts and mastery of aerial perspective, but also his narrative skills and his capacity to place all of a painting`s elements at the service of a specific content.
As numerous scholars have pointed out, this is no ordinary pictorial celebration of victory or martial ideals -its smoking background speaks clearly of destruction, war and death- but it does concentrate our attention on the foreground, where the triumphant general receives the key from his vanquished foe with an attitude closely resembling affection, in a gesture that seems more like the announcement of impending peace than that of war`s end. The entire composition is designed to emphasize this gesture, and both the group of Dutch soldiers (at the left) and the Spaniards serve to frame, accompany and shelter this principal motif, drawing our attention directly to it. The two generals constitute an image that conveys the message with extraordinary efficiency, and historians have related it to extremely varied sources and antecedents from both profane symbolism (Andrea Alciato`s Emblematum liber) and Christian iconography. In fact, Velázquez`s interpretation of the battle has very precise precedents: both Hermann Hugo, in his historical treatise, Obsidio bredana, and Pedro Calderón de la Barca, in one of his plays, approached the subject in a similar way, insisting on the magnanimity of General Spínola and his army, who treated their enemy with the respect they deserved as worthy rivals, rather than the disdain meted out to the vanquished. Indeed, Calderón`s The Seige of Breda, from 1635, describes the very event depicted in the painting in much the same terms, as an almost friendly encounter. A very similar content is also transmitted by Juan Bautista Maíno`s The Recovery of Bahia in 1625 (P885). Velázquez`s genius lies in having discovered the ideal formula for transmitting that content, which he did by eliminating all rhetoric and drawing instead on the most straightforward, and thus the most efficient means: the simple gesture of the two generals is enough to transmit a theory of State and a view of history. Generically, this painting can be dated between 1634 and 1635, as the decoration of the Hall of Realms is known to have begun in 1634 and was finished by spring, 1635.
Museo Nacional del Prado, El Palacio del Rey Planeta: Felipe IV y el Buen Retiro, Madrid, Museo Nacional del Prado, 2005, p.132-133
Las Meninas. 1656. Oil on canvas Room 012
This is one of Velázquez`s largest paintings and among those in which he made most effort to create a complex and credible composition that would convey a sense of life and reality while enclosing a dense network of meanings. The artist achieved his intentions and Las Meninas became the only work to which the writer on art Antonio Palomino devoted a separate section in his history of Spanish painters of 1724, entitling it In which the most illustrious work by Don Diego Velázquez is described. Since then the painting has never lost its status as a masterpiece. From Palomino we know that it was painted in 1656 in the Cuarto del Príncipe in the Alcázar in Madrid, which is the room seen in the work. He also identifies most of the figures of the court servants grouped around the Infanta Margarita, who is attended by two of the Queen`s meninas or maids-ofhonour: María Agustina Sarmiento and Isabel de Velasco. In addition to that group, we also see the artist himself working on a large canvas, the dwarves Mari Bárbola and Nicolasito Pertusato, the latter provoking a mastiff, and the lady-in-waiting Marcela de Ulloa next to a guardadamas (attendant), with the chamberlain José Nieto standing in the doorway in the background. Reflected in the mirror are the faces of Philip IV and Mariana of Austria, the Infanta`s parents who are watching the scene taking place. The figures inhabit a space that is modelled not just through the laws of scientific perspective but also through aerial perspective. In the definition of this space the multiplication of the light sources plays an important role.
Las Meninas has one meaning that is immediately obvious to any viewer: it is a group portrait set in a specific location and peopled with identifiable figures undertaking comprehensible actions. The painting`s aesthetic values are also evident: the setting is one of the most credible spaces depicted in western art; the composition combines unity and variety; the remarkably beautiful details are divided across the entire pictorial surface; and finally, the painter has taken a decisive step forward on the path to illusionism, which was one of the goals of European painting in the early modern age, given that he has gone beyond transmitting resemblance in order to successfully achieve the representation of life or animation. However, as is habitual with Velázquez, in this scene in which the Infanta and the court servants pause in their actions on the arrival of the King and Queen, there are numerous underlying meanings that pertain to different fields of experience and which co-exist in one of the masterpieces of western art that has been the subject of the most numerous and most varied interpretations. One study, for example, has focused on the royal status of the Infanta, which thus endows the entire painting with a political content. There are also, however, important references of an art-historical nature that are expressed through the presence of the painter himself and the paintings hanging on the rear wall, while the inclusion of the mirror makes this work a consideration on the act of seeing and ensures that the viewer reflects on the laws of representation, the limits between painting and reality and his or her own role within the painting.
This richness and variety in the content, combined with the complexity of the painting`s composition and the variety of actions depicted, make Las Meninas a portrait in which the artist deploys representational strategies and pursues aims that go beyond the habitual ones in this genre, bringing it closer to history painting. In this sense, it is one of the key works through which Velázquez championed the potential of the pictorial genre to which he had devoted his activities since he arrived at court in 1623.
Portus, Javier, Diego Velázquez 'Las Meninas'. En :. Velázquez y la familia de Felipe IV, [1650-1680], Madrid, Museo Nacional del Prado, 2013, p.126-129 n.16
The Spinners, or the Fable of Arachne 1655 - 1660. Oil on canvas Room 015A
This painting is the result of two acts carried out in different periods. First, Velázquez painted the surface occupied by the figures and the tapestry in the background. Later, in the 18th century, a wide strip (with the arch and oculus) was added to the top, along with narrower ones on the left, right and bottom (these additions are not visible in the current presentation of this work). Those alterations affected the reading of the work`s content, making what occurs in front of the tapestry appear farther away. Consequently, viewers have long seen it as a representation of an everyday scene in a tapestry workshop, with spinning activities represented by Velázquez in the foreground and ladies standing before a tapestry in the background. In the nineteen thirties and forties, various critics and historians expressed their belief that this apparently costumbrista work actually had a mythological content. The discovery of the inventory of Alcázar employee, Pedro de Arce`s property confirmed their suspicions. Drawn up in 1664, it lists a Fable of Arachne by Velázquez with dimensions quite close to those of this painting`s oldest fragment. There, the main elements of this mythological story are in the background, where the goddess, Pallas, wearing her helmet, argues with Arachne as the two compete to show their respective skills in the art of weaving. The tapestry behind them bears the image of The Rape of Europa that Titian painted for Philip II (now at the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum in Boston), which Rubens also copied during his stay in Madrid in 1628-1629. This was one of the erotic stories of Pallas` father, Jupiter, that Arachne had dared to weave, and it furnished Pallas with an excuse to turn her into a spider.
The importance of the work and the number of figures, actions and objects depicted have all contributed to innumerable interpretations of this painting, as has Velázquez`s indirect approach to the narrative, confining the main event to the small space in the background. Some critics have read a political content into this composition, seeing it as a warning against pride, while the fact that one of the painting`s main images is a tapestry, and moreover, a representation of a work by Titian, has also led to art-historical readings. In that sense, it has been observed that the work represents the passage from material (the process of weaving) to form (the tapestry) through the power of art, which would make this work a defense of the nobility of painting. Also, the perfect transmission of a sense of motion in the spinning wheel has led some authors to recall Pliny`s affirmation that one of the greatest accomplishments to which painting can aspire is the imitation of movement. Such interpretations are supported by the fact that Siglo de Oro mythologist Pérez de Moya (whose work was in Velázquez`s library) interpreted the story of Arachne as a demonstration of the idea that art can always advance. Thus, through a mythological story whose key element is a tapestry that reproduces an original painting by Titian copied, in turn, by Rubens, Velázquez builds a narrative on artistic progress and competitiveness. This work appears to be from the final decade of Velázquez`s career, around the same time as Las Meninas or Mercury and Argos, with which it has much in common. It is one of the artist`s most complex works, and it marks the culmination of his tendency to create compositions that are sophisticated and ambiguous in terms of both form and content, demanding the active participation of the viewer. Fábulas de Velázquez. Mitología e Historia Sagrada en el Siglo de Oro / edición a cargo de Javier Portús Pérez, Madrid, Museo Nacional del Prado, 2007, p.337
为什么阿姆斯特丹国家博物馆沒有借到《宫娥》？ 因为《宫娥》是普拉多博物館的 镇馆之宝。加上今年庆祝普拉多博物馆成立200周年。有关《宫娥》详细信息，请参考 普拉多博物馆 (西班牙语：Museo Nacional del Prado) 成立200周年 第十九楼。
后来我发现 本·卢克（Ben Luke）和我有相同的看法。
One unites one of Velázquez’s breakthrough paintings, made on his first visit to Italy, Vulcan’s Forge (1630) with Rembrandt’s The Syndics (1662) as evidence of their prowess in multi-figure compositions. But while each is a masterpiece of psychology and technique, as a pair they fall flat—Velázquez’s figures are full-length, semi-naked, thronging with Italian classical movement and mythological imagination; Rembrandt’s are seated at a table, austerely dressed, restrained in countenance, despite their evident human warmth. Perhaps a far more instructive companion for The Syndicswould have been Las Meninas, but, of course, Velázquez’s masterwork will never travel. (excerpts from Rembrandt-Velázquez: a match made in curatorial heaven by Ben Luke in the art newspaper) 作者: ngsunyu 时间: 2020-4-15 07:09 本帖最后由 ngsunyu 于 2020-4-15 07:14 编辑
《葡萄牙的伊莎貝拉, Empress Isabella of Portugal》由提齊安諾·維伽略 繪於1548年。收藏於 西班牙馬德里的普拉多美術館。
The portraits that Titian painted of Isabella (1503-1539), daughter of King Manuel of Portugal and wife of Charles V from 1526, constitute one of the most moving episodes within Renaissance art. When the empress died, Charles found that he did not have her portrait, so he tried to recover the one that his deceased wife had sent years earlier to Margaret of Austria. In November 1539 he received this portrait from his sister Mary, but was not happy with it as he considered that it did not resemble his wife. It was probably at this point that he had the idea of commissioning a portrait from Titian if he could find a suitable model. In 1543 Charles sent to the artist in Busseto a small portrait of Isabella probably by William Scrots(Poznan, National Museum), molto simile at vero, benché di trivial` pennello, according to Aretino. In 1545 Titian finished a portrait of Isabella dressed in black with flowers in her lap and with the imperial crown behind her; it was destroyed in the fire in the Palace of El Pardo in 1604 and is known through copies and prints. Charles had it brought to Augsburg in 1547 so that the artist could retouch the nose. This lost portrait acted as a model for the present version, also painted in Augsburg and which we know, from a letter from the artist to Granvelle, was completed on 1 September 1548. In the letters, Titian also refers to a double portrait of Charles and Isabellaof which there is a copy by Rubens (Madrid, Fundacion Casa de Alba Collection), and which was a curious combination of the seated portrait of Charles (Munich, Alte Pinakothek) and the first one of the empress.
These three portraits constitute further chapters in the fascinating process of the recovery of the empress through her image, culminating in the double portrait which united the emperor with his absent spouse. In these works Charles was not seeking a faithful reproduction of her appearance (given that he already had one molto simile al vero), but rather wished to visualise his own memorised one, which would explain the episode of the nose. Charles asked Titian to retouch this feature, not because it was badly painted, but rather because Titian had painted it as it really was. The portraits of Isabellamade during her lifetime show her with an aquiline nose, a feature also remarked on by contemporary commentators, and not with the improbably straight and classically perfect nose which Titian painted. With this correction, Titian repeated with Isabella′s nose the cosmetic operation he had carried out Charles′ protruding jaw in his portraits. The moving, personal nature of the portrait explains why it was one of the few paintings that Charles always had with him, and it is documented in Brussels in 1556 and Yuste in 1558.
The portrait follows a model by Raphael/ Giulio Romano(Isabel de Requesens; Paris, Louvre) which Titian had looked to in 1536 for his portrait of Eleonora Gonzaga, Duchess of Urbino. The sitter is seated with an open window next to her through which is a landscape. A sonnet by Pietro Aretino celebrating the portrait of Eleonora Gonzaga and the way in which the painter emphasises her virtues (her modesty in being seated and the purity implied by covering her breast and hair with a veil, elements also used for the empress), highlight the conventional nature of the formulae used in such images. Isabella′s portrait, however, is more hieratic, not because she did not actually pose for it, but rather because it deliberately conveys a sense of distant majesty evident in other imperial portraits. It is not so much the imperial eagle embroidered on the curtain -the only concession to imperial iconography- but rather Isabella′s distant gaze, focused neither on the Book of Hours that she holds or on a possible viewer, which gives her image gravity and dignity. The work is in good condition. The X-radiograph has revealed no alterations but has shown that Titian reused a canvas with a female figure painted on it.
Philip II lent this portrait to his sister the empress Mary for the Descalzas Reales Convent, where it is mentioned by Carducho in 1633. In 1636 it was hanging in the Alcazar in Madrid, where it remained until the fire of 1734. It then passed to the Palacio Real Nuevo, entering the Museo del Prado in 1821. (Falomir Faus, Miguel, Tiziano, Madrid, Museo Nacional del Prado, 2003, p.208)
《在米尔贝格的查理五世, Emperor Charles V at Mühlberg》由提齊安諾·維伽略 繪於1548年。收藏於 西班牙馬德里的普拉多美術館。
1545年特倫托會議的召开宣告了欧洲天主教势力反对宗教改革的浪潮的开始。查理五世决心惩罚德意志的新教王公。1546年查理五世与施马尔卡尔登联盟（德語：Schmalkaldischer Bund)开战。在施马尔卡尔登战争的第一阶段（1546年－1548年）他打败了萨克森选侯约翰·腓特烈 (德語：Johann Friedrich I. von Sachsen)，并将投降的黑森伯爵（慷慨的）腓力一世(德語：
Philipp I. (Hessen) 监禁起来（1547年－1552年）。然而，他先胜后败。新的战事于1552年爆发后，查理五世遭到一系列失利，遂与诸侯签订1555年的奥格斯堡宗教和约 （德語：Augsburger Reichs- und Religionsfrieden)。(zh.wikipedia.org/查理五世_(神圣罗马帝国) 作者: ngsunyu 时间: 2020-4-16 00:17 本帖最后由 ngsunyu 于 2020-4-16 00:28 编辑
This portrait commemorates Charles V’s victory over the Schmalkaldic League at Mühlberg on 24 April 1547. The Emperor is equipped in the manner of the light cavalry with a half pike and wheel-lock pistol. His suit of armour was made around 1545 by Desiderius Helmschmid and has an image of the Virgin and Childon the breastplate, as was customary with Charles’ armour from 1531. Panofsky pointed to the combination of two non-exclusive concepts to be found in this image, which depicts Charles as the heir to the Roman tradition and also as the incarnation of the miles christianus, as he was described by Erasmus in the Enchiridion (1503). The significance of the lance connects with both interpretations, referring to both Longinus and Saint George (the Christian knight par excellence) but also functioning as a symbol of the supreme power of the Roman emperors. However, the circumstances and period at which the portrait was painted mean that the religious connotations of this work are not as significant as the political ones. Imperial propaganda presented the campaign against the Schmalkaldic League as a political rather than a religious conflict, intended to punish those who had risen up against their legitimate ruler. In fact, leading Lutheran nobles such as Maurice of Saxony supported Charles, whose army was primarily made up of Protestants. In addition, while Titian was painting the portrait in Augsburg, Charles was giving his support to the Interim, which concluded on 12 March 1548, in a last attempt to bring Catholics and Protestants together. In such a context the Court did not wish to project an image of Charles as the champion of Catholicism or the arrogant victor over his own subjects, but rather as an emperor capable of ruling over a heterogeneous group of states and religions. Hence the lack of any references in the painting to the battle and the rejection of the ideas proposed by Pietro Aretino, who suggested that Titian depict the defeated trampled under the hoofs of the horse. We should also bear in mind that the portrait was owned by Mary of Hungary, in whose posthumous inventory of 1558 the painting is described in political rather than religious terms, stating that Charles is shown in the manner in which he went against the rebels.
The Emperor Charles V at Mühlberg lacks precedents in Italian art and scholars have thus generally made reference to classical and Renaissance sculpture, such as Marcus Aurelius on Horseback and Verrocchio’s Colleoni, as well as to German art, particularly Dürer’s Knight, Death and Devil of 1513-4. Above all it has been associated with Hans Burgkmair the Elder, who in 1508 produced a woodcut of Maximilian I on Horseback, and in 1509-10 a Project for an Equestrian Sculpture of Maximilian I (Vienna, Graphische Sammlung Albertina). The reference to Maximilian is particularly apt as it points to a tradition of equestrian portraits of the head of the Holy Roman Empire with which Charles V had previously been associated at Mühlberg. Images of Charles of this type included the reliefs of 1522 by Hans Daucher and the coloured engravings produced by Hans Liefrinck the Elder in Antwerp in 1542-4. It can be assumed that Charles must have intentionally sought out these affinities. Immediately after the battle of Mühlberg he commissioned an equestrian sculpture from Leone Leoni which, although ultimately unexecuted, recalls the project for the sculpture of Maximilian referred to above and which, along with the present work by Titian, was intended to reinforce the image of Charles as Emperor in a way appropriate to the particular political situation of Germany in 1547-8. Titian translated into painting and monumentalised these formal and ideological precedents, which were easily identifiable by anyone looking at this painting in Augsburg, the same city in which Burgkmair had worked for Maximilian some decades before, in close collaboration with the Helmschmid family, the imperial armourers. Despite its seminal nature, this truly exceptional work did not find immediate echoes in art, and the equestrian portrait had to wait until the early decades of the 17th century and the hand of Rubens before it came to occupy a place of honour in court art. (El retrato del Renacimiento, Museo Nacional del Prado, 2008, p.388-389 )